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Wall
Street Journal
REVIEW & OUTLOOK
Borderline Republicans
The internal GOP battle over immigration gets ugly.
Thursday, June 17, 2004
For the most part, President Bush's calls for immigration reform
seem to have fallen on deaf Congressional ears. And one of the main
reasons is the anti-immigrant groups on the political left that
have been making inroads with Republicans. It behooves GOP restrictionists
to better understand their new bedfellows.
The cool reaction to Mr. Bush's guest-worker proposals is the most
prominent example of party division on immigration. But it's not
the only example. The phenomenon has also manifested itself in a
number of House and Senate GOP primary races, where some Republicans
have teamed up with radical greens and zero-population-growth-niks
to intimidate and defeat other Republicans willing to defend immigration.
In Congress, Republicans invite population-control advocates posing
as conservatives to committee hearings to denounce the Administration's
initiatives. Republican Tom Tancredo of Colorado has gone so far
as to set up Team America, a political action committee and Web
site that bashes members of his own GOP House caucus who aren't
sufficiently anti-immigrant.
To date at least, restrictionism hasn't been a political winner.
Earlier this year in California, GOP state Senator Rico Oller ran
for Congress by passing out fliers depicting Mexican aliens as turbaned
terrorists. He lost the March primary to Dan Lungren, the pro-immigrant
opponent he was attacking in the fliers. Nor did immigrant-bashing
help Jim Oberweis of Illinois in his recent Senate bid. In radio
spots Mr. Oberweis suggested that the immigrants not here to steal
U.S. jobs are only here to collect welfare. Voters rejected such
rhetoric and awarded the primary to Jack Ryan, a vocal supporter
of the President's immigration reform.
However, the border brigades are unbowed. Groups like the Federation
for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), Numbers-USA, the Center
for Immigration Studies (CIS), ProjectUSA and the Coalition for
the Future American Worker (CFAW) continue to use direct mail, television,
radio and other media to target pro-immigration lawmakers throughout
the country.
Among others, they've mobilized against Arizona Republican Congressmen
Jim Kolbe and Jeff Flake, as well as Representative Jim Leach (R.,
Iowa) and Senator Chuck Hagel (R., Neb.). The crime? Support for
legislation that would streamline the process for hiring foreign
workers and allow certain illegal aliens to apply for temporary
visas and U.S. citizenship if they pay fines and meet various work
requirements.
Extra special attention is being paid to a GOP House primary in
Utah, where incumbent Chris Cannon is facing a June 22 runoff against
Matt Throckmorton. Mr. Cannon, now serving his fourth term, hasn't
had a primary challenger since 1998. This one comes courtesy of
deep-pocketed restrictionists campaigning on behalf of his opponent,
who is running hard on xenophobia. CFAW and ProjectUSA have used
billboards in Mr. Cannon's district to denounce him as a supporter
of blanket amnesty for illegals.
Mr. Cannon tops the restrictionists' target list because he's been
one of the few politicians in either party to expose the extreme
nature of their underlying agendas, which has less to do with immigration
per se and more to do with environmental extremism and population-growth
concerns influenced by the discredited claims of the 19th-century
British economist Thomas Malthus.
During a immigration subcommittee hearing in March, Mr. Cannon
had the gumption to question the executive director of CIS, Mark
Krikorian, as well as to challenge Roy Beck, who heads NumbersUSA
and serves as "spokesman" for CFAW. After first denying
it, Mr. Krikorian was forced to admit that CIS is a spin-off of
FAIR.
In fact, CIS, FAIR, NumbersUSA, Project-USA and more than a half-dozen
similar groups that Republicans have become disturbingly comfy with,
were founded or funded (or both) by John Tanton, a retired doctor
in Michigan. In addition to trying to stop immigration to the U.S.,
appropriate population-control measures for Dr. Tanton and his network
include promoting China's one-child policy, sterilizing Third World
women and wider use of RU-486.
FAIR, where Mr. Krikorian once worked, is run by Dan Stein and
shares advisers and personnel with CIS and other members of the
Tanton nexus. As our Jason Riley noted in a March op-ed, "By
Dr. Tanton's own reckoning, FAIR has received more than $1.5 million
from the Pioneer Fund, a white-supremacist outfit devoted to racial
purity through eugenics."
Representative Cannon says, "Tanton set up groups like CIS
and FAIR to take an analytical approach to immigration from a Republican
point of view so that they can give cover to Republicans who oppose
immigration for other reasons." It seems to be working. Messrs.
Stein and Krikorian regularly appear before Congress at the invitation
of Republicans, who don't seem nearly as interested in people who
can speak with authority about, say, the importance of flexible
labor markets.
Representative John Hostettler of Indiana, one of the most pro-life
Republicans in Washington, chairs the immigration subcommittee that
featured representatives of CIS and NumbersUSA as the Republican
witnesses. The third GOP witness at the hearing, if you can believe
it, was Frank Morris, who at the time was running for a seat on
the Sierra Club board and actively campaigning for the defeat of
President Bush. Apparently, unless you're a certified Malthusian,
dedicated restrictionist or someone who knows next to nothing about
economics, the Republican Congress isn't interested in what you
have to say about immigration reform.
Mr. Cannon says most GOP Members believe that the vast majority
of aliens, documented or not, are productive and that our economy
needs them. But he is concerned about a "bunch of Members who
are demagoging the issue--some to raise money, some for attention"
and "want this to become a litmus test" for Republicanism.
"If I get defeated or if Kolbe or Flake get defeated, that
would be significant because some Republicans might conclude that
it's not worth fiddling with immigration," he says. Maybe it's
time for Mr. Bush, who raised this subject, to show where the GOP
still stands on immigration.
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